Monday, August 16, 2021

 

We Cannot Shake & Bake Foreign Soldiers

---American soldiers are the best in the world; they are well-trained and equipped, and they are standup men and women.  We tend to train and equip foreign forces fighting alongside our troops, but we do not really test them on the battlefield.  We count their troops in a total number when only a fraction is battle-ready. 

We will send American troops to other countries in the future, and we will again train local forces to prop democratic governments.  We cannot allow all democracies in the world to be overrun by totalitarian forces, and China will continue to pursue the creation of a Chinese-dominated totalitarian world government.  Nevertheless, future American military interventions need to establish two basic principles.  First, the nation that we go to defend must draft all available men to be trained and equipped for battle, and the created indigenous military force must relentlessly pursue and destroy its enemy, albeit with American air power and general support.  Second, we should never allow American troops to fight in a war against an enemy that hides in a sanctuary.  It is never a winning strategy, and it should never be allowed.

 In the Vietnam War, we created a South Vietnamese military of over a million men, but we never had them confront the North Vietnamese Army head-on.  Yes, they had their major battles, but they never tried to close the Ho Chi Minh Trail.  Thus, men and supplies continued to pour down the jungle routes through Laos and Cambodia. The political uproar arising from crossing into Cambodia and Laos to destroy enemy sanctuaries would have been managed.  A nation that allows the creation of a sanctuary for our enemy in a war must be prepared to have our allied forces occupy the same real estate in self-defense.

 We pursued the same foolhardy approach in the 20-year war in Afghanistan.  We created an Afghan force of 300,000 men, trained and equipped by us, but it was not used to expel the Taliban from its territory.  Yes, they also had their major battles, but the Taliban occupied major parts of the country and enjoyed a sanctuary in Pakistan throughout the war.  We should have used the Afghan army to both relentlessly attack Taliban forces inside their country and to conduct raids into their sanctuaries in Pakistan.  We would have had a more accurate count of real soldiers in the Afghan army.  American logistical support and air power would have made the difference if, once in the war theatre, it would have been used to its full capacity.

After we create an indigenous fighting force in a protected country, and they face and defeat their enemy head-on, albeit with American air power and support, we can begin our orderly withdrawal.

The real questions are, why did the U.S. allow the South Vietnamese army to allow the existence of the Ho Chi Minh Trail? And why did the U.S. allow the Afghan army to allow the occupation of part of its territory by the Taliban?  Our shake-and-bake foreign armies will always postpone the final battle for tomorrow if we allow it, and the result will always be predictable.  



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Sunday, August 15, 2021

 

The Origin and Reality of My P.T.S.D.

                                 by: Carlos L. Arce

                                  March 25, 2015

 

This essay will be of value to the more than two million Vietnam War veterans. What I write is a true story that I must share for the benefit of fellow old veterans and young ones. As a 100% service-connected, disabled veteran, I have a special interest in urging other veterans to seek the help many of them need but are not requesting.

_________________________________________________________________________

                There are many ways to describe a war, probably as many as there are combat veterans; each of us carries unique memories.  Some of us faced the enemy up close, while most never had contact.  Yet, we were all part of an irrational killing machine and the pressure and sadness of war.  I was drafted in 1968 and sent to Vietnam to serve as an Army infantryman with the First Cavalry Division, Airmobile, along the Cambodian border in Tay Ninh Province.  My distinctive story and my vivid and undying memories are also unique.

                Within days after landing at Tan Son Nhut Air Force Base near the capital city of Saigon, I was assigned and transported to a small "Landing Zone" a few miles from the border with Cambodia; it was an area known as the "Parrot's Beak," where Cambodian territory protrudes into Vietnam.  It served as a base, rest area, and infiltration route for the North Vietnamese Army and the Viet Cong; it was the last stop of the infamous Ho Chi Minh/Sihanouk Trail.  Landing zones were small clearings in a sea of green jungle; they were formed naturally or created by super bombs called "Daisy Cutters" or by ground demolition teams with special military ordinance.  They were the size of a small shopping center and were occupied and defended by some 200 soldiers.  These LZs served as supply storage, artillery pits to support patrols in the "bush" when they made contact with the enemy, and helicopter landing pads to move men and equipment around.  All the same, they also served as a lure for enemy troops to come out of their holes in the ground to kill a few of us and to leave a score of their dead behind in the process.  It allowed both sides to maintain their desired weekly body count.

                The firefights were horrendous in the landing zones.  Exploding shells rained on both sides for hours while the suicidal enemy tried to penetrate the small enclaves, both with human wave attacks and with half-naked, nearly invisible night crawlers called "sappers." Rarely would enemy soldiers overrun an American base, but they often came close.  Face-to-face shootouts and hand-to-hand combats were numerous.  What we, as deep-jungle fighters, experienced in the Vietnam War was as brutal, gruesome, and horrifying as soldiers in any other war in history.  Fear, total and absolute fear, is what I endured and what I imagined all others in that situation did.  That level of fear is hard to describe; it consumes all of your being.  The worst part for me is that it lasted for very long periods of time.  It was there during every attack, and it was there even on the days that we had none, waiting for the probable attack, being afraid to be so afraid again.    It was a real shock to the spirit, but it was our job to defend that water hole, the LZ.  I like to think I was patriotic, but perhaps I wouldn't have stayed had I been given a choice at the time. 

                Nightmarish fear for infantrymen at an LZ also came in the form of "Listening Post (LP)" duty.  It consisted of an assignment that would have three or four men walk out of the LZ at dusk and find a place to hide nearby in the jungle to listen for the enemy advance towards the LZ and radio-signal the command post.  The terrifying moments when one would hear the enemy walk by an LP, to hear them talking close to your makeshift-concealed location, were pure agony.  My heart pounded faster and faster as the battle began, and friendly fire exploded all around us with deafening sounds; rays of light from the illumination flares broke through the dense jungle canopy like laser beams, increasing visibility and our risk of detection.  The ground shook with every friendly fire explosion nearby; it seemed that one would land on us any moment.  We had all heard stories about miscalculations by an artillery commander or by a pilot on a bombing run.  Perhaps they forgot your location, perhaps the map plotter missed the mark with the colored pin, or perhaps it was us in the LP team who failed to find the exact assigned spot in the jungle by reading the wrong direction in the compass or by counting the wrong number of steps in the dark jungle.  We had also heard stories of LP teams that never came back, that disappeared into thin air because they were found out and taken, or because one of our super bombs had pulverized them.  The joy of returning to the LZ at first light is hard to express.  Ironically, climbing over the dirt "berm" that surrounds the LZ was liberating.  I learned to enjoy the comforts of home inside the LZ, even as we expected the next attack; it was not until the next LP rotation a few days later that the particular terror returned.

                Comparably frightening was a strategy of jungle-clearing hopping used by body-count-hungry commanders in the LZs.  It used one or two Huey helicopters and ten to twenty men to swoop into small clearings in the jungle, combat-assault, rifles blazing style, seeking to draw enemy fire, while killer Cobra helicopters hovered nearby.  Once in a while, it would surprise enemy units and achieve the desired result, with inevitable casualties for us.  This strategy, if overused, could give enemy commanders the opportunity for a juicy ambush.  To my comrades and I, it was playing a nerve-racking Russian roulette, with a touch of back-breaking jumps from above-ground hovering choppers.    

                Guilt is an undeniable source of PTSD for many veterans.  Some committed war crimes that haunt them forever, but for most, it stems from ugly things that accidentally involved them or that they couldn't stop or prevent.  For me, the strong feelings of guilt relate first to an incident when I obeyed orders to move around in the jungle during an "in-place ceasefire" and then to shoot down a couple of enemy soldiers for doing the same; they relate to doing nothing when a few American soldiers insulted and frightened civilians, or when South Vietnamese troops mistreated civilians and publicly thrashed enemy prisoners.  It pained me to know that some of the artillery "fire-missions" during jungle contact with the enemy near civilian villages had dreadful collateral damage. =B It twisted my stomach every time I had to gather body parts from the field, at times some mixture of friend and foe.  Guilt was augmented in me upon my return to "The World," as I felt the public rejection, condemnation by anti-war activists, and embarrassing public perception of Vietnam veterans; it was wounding, it was heartrending.

                Shameful abandonment is an undeniable description of our society's treatment of returning Vietnam War veterans.  The country's remorse over our stupidity in the aftermath of the war, a wounded national pride over our unprecedented military defeat, and national shame over the atrocities of that war seemed to have precluded concern for the returning wounded souls on the part of our silent majority.  When combined with outright hostility from our loud, revolting youth against their brothers who served, American Vietnam War veterans were men without a country.

                Anger and internal rage affected all of us in Vietnam, and there was so much to rail against.  Fighting an invisible enemy was beyond frustrating; it was exasperating.  There was anguish in witnessing the massive environmental destruction caused by the use of the chemical defoliant Agent Orange; it was not only used to provide clear visibility in the jungle, but it has been suggested that it was also used to destroy crops in the countryside and force peasants into government-controlled cities.  Pleasure turned into pain and then into anger with the addiction to drugs that so many suffered or got close to suffering.  Yet, the greatest complaint by far of those fighting there was our failure to fight to win.  Allowing the enemy to use hit-and-run tactics from sanctuaries across borders, respected only by our side, was incomprehensible and infuriating.  That cumulative rage, which I had fermenting in me during my year tour "in the country," followed me into civilian life, and it took some time to bring it under reasonable control.

         What is my reality of P.T.S.D.?  I'm not sure I fully comprehend it; I can only perceive the obvious.  Depression and hyper-vigilance are probably what most of us in this malady would tend to feel, but guilt, anger, insecurity, worthlessness, nightmares, and emotional fluctuations are significant side effects.  My first recollection back at home was that of seclusion, isolation, a let-me-be sentiment; it lingered for a few years.  As I emerged from my darkness and back into my social being, I found myself indulging in workaholic behavior and daily, minor, end-of-day drinking, as well as a recurring fear of suffering physical harm.  The fear of dark or lonely places, of strangers, of unusual sounds...had me compulsively looking over my shoulder and all around.  I struggled to hide my living fear from everyone; it was my tender secret.  Years later, the drinking and smoking increased to where it alarmed me.  I quit them both cold turkey decades ago.  The workaholic lifestyle followed me into retirement when I turned to feverish sculpturing and writing.  I still look over my shoulder and wait for the garage door to reach the floor, but I have learned to intellectually acknowledge it.  To this day, occasional nightmares, feelings of anger, hyper-vigilance, depression, and guilt have been hard to expunge; they have been lifelong companions.  Fortunately, so has been my belief and faith in God, which I know saved my sanity then and now.       

                Like many others, I did not ask for help from The Veterans Administration, as it was called before President Ronald Reagan elevated it to a cabinet-level department and renamed it the Department of Veterans Affairs, for disturbing emotional feelings or even for basic medical care.  Many years transpired before I first sought help from the VA; it was in the late 1990s at a local clinic in South Florida.  I quickly received the good news that a VA psychiatrist would provide me with treatment, but it became greatly disappointing when the first visit turned out to be a cursory session lasting only a few minutes, and the next one was scheduled for months later.  After the third session I concluded it was pointless to continue trying; I remained enduring my silent suffering.

                The American people had already forgotten the Vietnam War and its veterans when the grim reminder of 9-11 awakened the nation to an obvious reality; we need young men to serve in the military, and we need to use them to provide for national security.  This time, being a veteran is quite different; the nation views them as the heroes that they are, and politicians rush to identify with them, allocate abundant funding, and begin the process of reforming the VA.  However, it is all being done while asking our soldiers, in a small volunteer force, to serve multiple tours in combat.  I watch with mixed emotions the new glorification of veterans and the afterthought of repentance over the treatment of veterans from the unpopular war.  It is good news for old veterans like me; we can now piggyback into proper care and treatment from the VA.  Nevertheless, what happens to the decades of neglect, belittling and denigration of Vietnam veterans, who will make up for that?

                The confidence of many of us, previously disaffected Vietnam veterans, has been reclaimed by the VA with a number of new initiatives and their broad promotion.  Even in the midst of recent scandals about the forging of "waiting lists," I, for one, do believe that our government is truly extending a hand of gratitude to veterans of the Vietnam War.  Every president since Gerald Ford has voiced a sincere expression of contrition about the unjust treatment of Vietnam veterans, but it is recently that words have sufficiently turned into substantive action.  I was attracted by the promotion of new VA initiatives and returned to ask for help.  Unfortunately for me, I learned more than what I wanted to know about my health.

                When I identified myself as a Vietnam, jungle-based, combat-infantry veteran, the assumption of Agent Orange contamination emerged.  Of the many illnesses that veterans exposed to Agent Orange are presumed to be at a much higher risk of contracting, I was diagnosed with service-connected diabetes and cancer; also, with Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease (C.O.P.D) and high blood pressure, which have not yet been added to the decades-long, growing Agent Orange list.  I was also diagnosed with compression of the spine, which is also deemed to be service-connected with brutal and excessive jumps from helicopters in Vietnam.  There was more anger in me, more depression, more ... I was also, of course, classified as suffering from serious PTSD and registered into a sophisticated treatment program.

                My impression of the Miami VA Health System, upon becoming a frequent visitor, is that of a crowded, understaffed, and grossly unsecured facility, albeit modern and well-equipped.  For someone experiencing hyper-vigilance and being over-concerned with security, it is shocking to be able to walk into the building, frequently unchallenged by the elderly volunteers at the counter, carrying a large briefcase with my computer and paperwork.  There are hundreds of visiting veterans filling the hallways, offices, and elevators, as well as many bedridden hospitalized patients every day; all of them sitting ducks for a terrorist attack, all of them American ex-military people.  To this day, I am concerned that somewhere, there is a plot being discussed to strike a blow against our heroes in their most vulnerable state.  I have written to the Secretary of the Department of Veterans Affairs and to my congressional delegation about my concern, with no response.  Meanwhile, I walk through the VA facility, looking at everyone as if I could perhaps be able to sound the alarm if I spot the bad guys.   

                The mental health clinic is designated the "Charlie Team," and I was admitted for treatment following an initial interview with one of their doctors, who was pleasant and reassuring.  He asked many questions and listened patiently to my detailed descriptions.  He entered into the computer everything I told him, and I felt a great sense of deliverance sharing my innermost secrets; I was no longer alone in my journey.  My wife, who has accompanied me for 25 years, has been loving, supportive, and understanding about my struggle all along, but there is no substitute for professional help.  I was later interviewed by two more mental health professionals before a treatment program was designed for me.  I wondered if the treatment was mostly a boilerplate routine used as a one-size-fits-all bureaucratic make-work; my previous experience with the VA had made me skeptical.  I soon realized that something very positive was happening to the VA; a full team of P.T.S.D. treatment specialists was reviewing every file and offering a number of different programs for the veterans.  In essence, a two-prone approach is being used in the treatment: a medication regime and a series of group therapy programs. 

                A medication control specialist was assigned to review all the medication I had been taking, which was a lot, made substitutions added new ones to ease the symptoms of P.T.S.D.  It has been a lengthy trial and error process, where some medications seemed not to have the desired effect or where they produced negative side effects.  Eventually, some balance is found and although continuous monitoring is wisely provided, there is some noticeable alleviation of my P.T.S.D. discomfort.

                The first group therapy session was held early one morning in a Miami VA satellite clinic.  Eleven veterans, 10 men, and one woman, took part in it.  I looked around at my fellow veterans, expecting to see visible signs of emotional distress; it was a pleasant group of mostly friendly and smiling people.  There were only four young veterans from the post 9-11 wars, the rest of us men were veterans of the Vietnam War.  A young, well-dressed woman entered the room and identified herself as our group leader and a doctor in psychology.  She was accompanied by another young woman, who was identified as a student assistant.  We were all l asked to identify ourselves by name, branch of service and place of service.  The doctor quickly began a class in basic psychology and the workings of the human mind.  It was all delivered in simple elementary terms and always referring to the symptoms of P.T.S.D.  As the class progressed, veterans were asked to express their feelings about the topics presented.  It was then that I saw P.T.S.D. in action.  Every description of experiences by a veteran was echoed by others, and a crescendo of emotion ultimately derailed the teaching agenda; it became a back-and-forth among the veterans, culminating in a young veteran breaking into tears and rushing out of the room.  An old Vietnam veteran followed the grieving young man and, after a while, brought him back to the room.  The one thing I discovered is how much I need the VA support.  For me, the short group learning course was followed by another longer group therapy session, which lasted several months, and I continued beyond that into a year-long group therapy program.  I could not be more satisfied and grateful to the mental health team at the VA.  The people working there have been caring, encouraging, professional, and diligent.  It has been a great feeling of comfort to feel their sincere support.                                               

                Is the VA doing enough?  Absolutely not; it has a long way to go.  The many reports of homelessness and suicide among veterans, however embellished they may be, point to a serious disregard by our government.  Veterans are special citizens who need to be treated with the utmost care by our society; above all, those who served in combat and those who returned disabled.  Unemployment is the predominant gateway towards despair and suicide among those already debilitated by PTSD.  Meaningful employment for all our veterans must be more than wishful thinking by the VA; it must be a government mandate.  In the public sector, veterans’ preference is being given less than full support by federal, state, and local governments.  Even disabled veterans are not granted their full consideration for employment and contracts for disabled-veterans-owned businesses, regardless of the fanfare accorded the many government programs that purport to be succeeding in that endeavor.  We are at war right now.  Some of our young soldiers will continue to die for the foreseeable future and many more will return home affected by their dreadful experiences, let's not forget who they are and what they have done for us.

                To my fellow veterans, I can only say that although we cannot completely say goodbye to the haunting war memories from Vietnam, we must forgive ourselves and the society that so callously disappointed us.  We must also take responsibility for fighting back against the damaging memories that, at times, consume us and reduce our joy of living.  There are emotional tools that can help all of us move those memories to their proper place.   Reach out to the VA without delay or hesitation, the help is there waiting for you.  Thank you for your service, and God bless you all.




Vital Need for the 28th Constitutional Amendment

 

Vital Need for the 28th Constitutional Amendment

 I propose as I’m sure others have, that we rush to pursue a 28th Constitutional Amendment that will defend a nine-judge Supreme Court and maintain a permanent filibuster parliamentary system in the Senate. It should also reverse the “nuclear option” and require a 3/5 majority in the confirmation of Supreme Court Justices and other matters. 

Foolish politicians will always be foolish, and political expediency trumps national interest at any time.  Mark Twain classically said that “no man’s life, liberty or property are safe while the congress is in session.”  To this, we can add Henry David Thoreau's thought, “The best government is that which governs least.”  There are no philosopher-kings to be found or that last forever.

 The secret to American government success is simply compromise, which precludes excesses.  The Supreme Court is and has been the conscience of the country; respect for it is vital.  By allowing for only 51% of the votes in the Senate for confirmation of justices, as former Democrat Senate Majority Leader created by fiat in 2013, justices can be inherently partisan, and their credibility lessened.  The 3/5 majority rule requires a significant number of votes from the other side of the aisle and leads to moderation in the philosophy of confirmable justices.  This safeguard should also apply to the preservation of the filibuster in the Senate by again requiring a 3/5 majority to invoke “cloture” and end debate.

 These rules of a supermajority in the Senate have assured its role as a restraint over the more emotion-based House of Representatives.  The idea that any party with simple majority control can pack the court with justices from one side of the philosophical divide is inherently destructive.  Majority control changes from party to party; we cannot afford a series of court packing as with every election.  There will be other opportunities for both sides to replace judges among the complement of nine.

 The Supreme Court is the guardian of the Constitution, not a competing, non-elected legislature.  Simple majorities in the House and Senate cannot become tyrannical; the minority must participate and share some power.  The system needs to be codified in the Constitution; it will serve us well.












Visit my website at www.CarlosArce.net

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The Breakup with China

The threat is China, and we must never lose sight of it.  A game of chicken is being played along economic, military, and scientific lines.  We are marching towards a confrontation in the South China Sea, and the trigger will probably be the island nation of Taiwan, which we hold as a strategic ally, while China sees it as a renegade province.  It is where the formerly democratic government of China took refuge after it escaped the communist revolution in the mainland in 1949.  We welcomed the democratic government in Taiwan, with a population of some 20 million people, under President Chiang Kai-shek, to its membership in American-led military alliances.  The U.S. then began a policy of containment of communist China, with over a billion people under Chairman Mao Zedong.  The policy of containment and isolation has led to two proxy wars with China, first in Korea in 1950, which ended in a stalemate, and later in Vietnam in 1955, which ended with our humiliating defeat in 1975.   

President Richard M. Nixon moved to end the isolation of China with a personal visit to its capital, Beijing, in 1972. China was later admitted to the World Trade Organization in 2001.  It was all done to try to integrate China into the international community of nations in exchange for neighborly behavior.  China became rich as a cheap manufacturer for the U.S. and Europe while violating treaties and international rules of behavior.  It has used its newfound wealth to enslave the people of Hong Kong and to pursue global economic and military dominance.  American accommodating policies are facilitating their agenda.

Will China engage in acts of war against the U.S.?  Yes, as soon as it achieves overwhelming military superiority in the Asia-Pacific region.  The communist Chinese may restrict free navigation in the South China Sea, and it may outright invade Taiwan.  Will we have non-nuclear military options? No, but we can decouple China’s economy from ours, which will cause unbearable pain to the Chinese.  An economic breakup with China can be brutally disruptive for the U.S. as well unless it prepares in advance for it.  The U.S. must begin to lead Western democracies in the process of shifting production of essential supplies from China to the U.S. and its allies.  Products like antibiotics, rare earth, critical computer parts, and many others must have alternative sources of supply.  We should, in fact, transfer much of our supply chain from China to Mexico, South America, and the U.S., which would bring great benefits to the U.S. We should also rush to increase robotic manufacturing to minimize dependence on cheap Chinese labor.  Once we develop a fail-safe supply chain infrastructure, the Chinese leverage will be arrested, and their cost of aggression will become prohibitive.  If this strategic production is not counterbalanced, the risk of confrontation and war will continue to grow.

On the military front, China is engaged in a massive buildup, with gigantic efforts in the research and development of new weapons.  They have publicized their capacity to sink American aircraft carriers, knock down our communication satellites from orbit, and disrupt our cyber infrastructure.  It has also amassed a huge army, far more than their defensive needs.  The U.S. has no choice but to continue its military modernization of the past four years, and to rapidly advance its development of the American Space Force.  The communist government of China is not likely to change its ways voluntarily, only internal regime change, or confrontation from the West can do that.  A strong and decisive America is the only defense against Chinese domination of the world and the imposition of global totalitarianism.



Visit my website at www.CarlosArce.net

Visit my blog at American Analysis (carloslarce.blogspot.com)    

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Russia, the Essential Ally

Russia is no longer pursuing a communist ideology nor trying to impose its government system on the world.  It is now following a nationalist agenda and seeking to recover its grandeur.  It does not present an immediate economic or military threat to the U.S. and its allies, although its nuclear arsenal is always worrisome.  Global geopolitical reality has always required strategic alliances of nations across ideological divides.  Unsavory friends like Russia must be part of the coalition that confronts China’s growing threat.  It was once a critical component of the coalition that defeated Nazi Germany, and its considerable scientific and military prowess is once more in need.    Russia’s challenges to the U.S. in weapons development and cyber security can have a salutary effect. It is a competition that forces us to become better at these endeavors.  On the other hand, China’s challenges are existential and immediate.  Every indication suggests growing economic and military confrontation with the United States and its allies.

In the economic area, China has taken advantage of overtures from the West to cheat its way to economic parity and plans to achieve global superiority.  The West welcomed China into the World Trade Organization, expecting that it would abide by international law and fair trade.  It has instead manipulated its currency, stolen intellectual property, restricted access to its market, subsidized its industries for competitive advantage, used slave labor, and more.  While militarily, it has continued to rapidly grow and modernize its forces, and it has used its new strength to intimidate its neighbors and to threaten international shipping lanes in the South China Sea.  It is also inching closer to military aggression against the Republic of China on the island of Taiwan.

We must integrate Russia into the Western block of nations that will ultimately have to confront Chinese hostility.  The world is rapidly becoming polarized between China and the West; nations everywhere will be compelled to choose sides and we should be laying the groundwork to have Russia be on our side.


Visit my website at www.CarlosArce.net

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An American Education Winning Team

Education has always been more than a way out of poverty for many, and more than the mechanism to supply skilled workers for the economy, it has been the most effective social equalizer.  Today, it has also become an imperative of national security.  Our best educated youth is competing internationally with the best students from China, a communist totalitarian dictatorship committed to our demise.  It is suicidal for our society to pursue educational parity for all American students, as a form of achieving racial and social equality.  We need to provide the best possible education for all our students, nevertheless, outstanding students must be provided advanced learning to the limit of their capacity; they are the American Winning Team that will win the international competition for us.  Private schools will continue to supply a portion of the well-educated youth, but the mass of American students depend on the public school system.

Today, some public school districts in the country are seeking to eliminate advanced courses to allow slower learning students to keep up with faster learners.  This may sound politically correct to some, but it is a guarantee that our society will be grossly outcompeted in the global economy.  In the international arena, not every child gets a trophy.  Equal opportunity, personal responsibility and individual merit are the basis for fairness.  Failing public schools are the problem, not “slow learners,” school choice for parents is the answer. 



Visit my website at www.CarlosArce.net

Visit my blog at American Analysis (carloslarce.blogspot.com)    

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Friday, July 24, 2020

It’s Time for National Youth Service


It's Time for a National Youth Service

The most valuable and most underutilized American asset is our youth population.    The United States is not a small nation; in fact, it has the third largest population in the world.  American youth between the ages of 18 and 24 exceeds 24 million citizens.  We could safely speculate that at least half of them are high school graduates, computer literate, physically healthy, and mentally stable. This would give us a large quality pool of no less than 12 million young Americans.

             We are facing a sad reality in America with the overall state of our youth when we judge by American standards.  Our national school dropout rate is concerning overall but more distressing when we look at the dropout rate among minority youth.  It becomes outright heartbreaking in some parts of the country, particularly in large cities like New York, Los Angeles, Chicago… The American youth that does graduate from high school is, as a group, infamously below international achievement levels for developed nations.  Other metrics of American youth are equally troubling.  In many ways much of our youth is disconnected from our society, mostly because we ask very little from it; it is the classic tyranny of low expectations.  Perhaps we can begin to require more of our youth, to whom much is given by our nation.  Something for nothing is not a fruitful formula. 

Conscription of youth into national service has existed in practically all societies in human history.  For us, it was last applied during the Vietnam War when 1.8 million young American men were called into military service.  At the end of the Vietnam War in 1975, and following a national trauma over massive youth anti-draft demonstrations throughout that War, our nation opted to discontinue the draft in favor of the creation of an all-volunteer army.  It was a capitulation to a rebellious segment of our youth and a clear example of surrender management in our government.

 In times of war, our Army quietly suffers from insufficient manpower, using “stop loss,” the involuntary extension of soldiers’ enlistment agreements, to maintain manpower levels; over 50,000 of our troops have been subjected to this reprehensible back-door draft.  It is also disgraceful for our nation to require our soldiers to serve multiple combat tours while virtually all our youth stay home, oblivious to our nation’s involvement in foreign wars and in an international anti-terrorism campaign.  America as a nation should bow its head in shame given the record numbers of suicides and post-traumatic stress disorder among our returning, multiple combat-tour serving troops.  The real issue is not the legitimacy or morality of our foreign wars; it is the injustice and the foolishness of exempting our able young men from national service in times of war.  The Greek philosopher Aristotle suggested that the segregation of soldiers from society leads to unstable political order, while the more contemporary French thinker Jean Jacques Rousseau theorized that ending conscription precipitated the fall of the Roman Empire.  Our country is a good and great nation with many good qualities; granting our youth a “free lunch” is not one of them.

             We should create a national youth service program with the re-establishment of a lottery-based conscription system.  One specific proposal presented here is the creation of a National Service Auxiliary Corps (NSAC).  Recruits would train and reside in camps, and they would be relocated around the country as requested by local authorities.  Units would be detachable to serve within and under the control of regular government agencies, like police, schools, immigration, public health, social services, environmental enhancement, etc.  Let’s not think for a moment that our youth would complain; they are waiting for an opportunity to become proud Americans.  Let’s call on them to help us stop saying that “nothing can be done” about our intractable problems; let’s once more become a united, “can do” nation.  



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Let's Welcome the New Space Race


Let's Welcome the New Space Race

Flying has always fascinated humans; soaring across the sky is the ultimate sense of freedom; in essence, man has eternally envied the birds.  Flying has progressed from Asian kites to space travel.  Americans were shocked by the Soviet Union’s development of the first inter-continental ballistic missile in August of 1957, in the middle of the Cold War, and the launching, two months later, of the first artificial satellite in history, Sputnik.  President Kennedy (1960-1963) welcomed the Soviets’ challenge with confidence and rallied the American people behind a play-to-win determination; in doing so, he gave America a national dream.  Neil Armstrong landed on the Moon in 1969.  The United States not only won the space race to the Moon, it became the world leader in space scientific exploration. Satellites launched a communications revolution that is still changing how we live today.  The Hubble Telescope turned out to be more than a great idea; it revealed the wonders of the universe to humanity. 

            President Ronald Reagan (1981-1989) tried to preserve the national dream, and in 1984, he proposed the creation of the American Space Station Freedom; he made it part of his State of the Union address.  Funding for the project was denied by Congress, and the United States instead joined Russia, the European Union, and Japan in building an international space station.  In addition, myopic planning on the part of our government caused us to lose the valuable tool of the American Space Shuttle; the program was terminated without any replacement in 2011.  America was left without any effective space launching capacity for years to come; it had to rely on Russia's rockets.  The American space program has been severely weakened by serious budget cuts in the last 20 years.  It has become a timid shadow of its once glorious past.  As recently as 2006, we were still talking about an American Moon base and a manned trip to Mars, but in 2010 NASA was instructed to forgo those plans and limit space activities to servicing existing systems instead.  What NASA and the American people were being told by our government was to stop dreaming.           

We now know that there is a huge quantity of water on the Moon and material elements that can be mined.  Of strategic interest is the presence of industrial quantities of helium 3, a material that is extremely rare on Earth and that is known to be the key to the development of energy from nuclear fusion.  The winner of this race could perhaps dominate the future source of viable energy. The space program is a legitimate energy program in itself; clean energy will come from space in the form of new materials and new space-based energy projects.  It will also provide us with emotional energy; it will be a new American dream. 

While we dismantled our space program, lowered our sites, and shelved our national dream, the People’s Republic of China is poised to replace us as the foremost space-going nation.  Communist China’s military programs in space are also to be feared.  They recently blew up one of their satellites in orbit by shooting a guided missile at it from Earth.  This technology could give them the capacity to blind us during an armed conflict.  Their intentions for the militarization of space are also worrisome.  Fortunately, in the past four years, a new government administration has significantly increased funding for NASA, and the arrival of American private enterprise into the space business, with Tesla’s Space X and others, has made our future in space bright again.  We are once more talking about landing Americans on Mars.  Also, the threat of Chinese weapons in space is being met with the creation of an American Space Force.

Establishing the first working base and a permanent human colony on the Moon is another space race that we must be determined to win, and again, we should do it on a set and ambitious timetable.  We have learned that although the surface of the Moon is inhospitable because of cosmic rays, micrometeorite bombardment, extreme temperature variations, and other factors, immense underground tunnels present infinite possibilities for human dwelling.  These tunnels, known as “lava tubes,” known to exist on the Moon and Mars, were created by the flow of volcanic lava in the past.  They are large enough to fit the Empire State Building and run for many miles.  Water, the essential element of life, is also abundant on our Moon; frozen water is everywhere.  Using electricity in the simple process of electrolysis, future lunar inhabitants will extract from water oxygen to breathe and hydrogen for fuel.  The negative effects of differential gravity on the human body can be eliminated by the establishment of artificial gravity, which is usually created by inertial force on rotating platforms.    

The Moon is a quarter the size of the Earth, is near us, is full of resources, and is the stepping-stone that will catapult us to space exploration.  A solar system full of playful humans is in the cards for this century, and America should not be remiss to be a leader in its realization.  What a wonderful dream we can create and how great the need we have for it.




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Compassionate Conservatism Today



Compassionate Conservatism Today

--- Compassion is the keen awareness of the interdependence of all things."
  
— Thomas Merton

Reaching out to the poor is both morally correct and politically astute for the republican party as it prepares to take its turn at the helm.  American black voters have already shown their willingness to listen by not coming out in force to help elect Hillary Clinton; this window may not be open for long.  It is time for the rebirth of compassionate conservatism.  Prior misdirected attempts failed to repair the broken base on which they tried to build.  A new anti-poverty agenda should focus on economic development, social cohesiveness, and educational effectiveness.

Following the old axiom that a good job is the best anti-poverty program, we must channel some of the new revenue from the anticipated trillions of repatriated corporate dollars into the inner cities as part of an expanded use of “enterprise zones.”  These urban development programs would be most effective when allowing government employment training programs to be administered by corporations.  Law and order efforts, although they must increase police diversity and even the use of community-based auxiliary forces, must provide safe and functional neighborhoods and schools; street gangs must be confronted and expelled.  On the other hand, incarceration patterns and welfare program structures must be revamped to encourage greater paternal participation in family formation.  As conditions improve, so will the success of the educational system, especially when competition and parental choice is introduced.  Education, combined with individual responsibility, is the ultimate anti-poverty remedy.

So, when our new president asks the poor, “What do you have to lose?”  The answer would be another loss of faith in the American system if the new Republican administration proves to be, for them, more of the same.



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Tuesday, July 7, 2020

The Failure of the Chinese Model


The Failure of the Chinese Model
By Carlos L. Arce

The ongoing collapse of the Chinese national economy should not be surprising.  Although their unfounded economic success has become a cause-célèbre among those who cheer any sign of American decline, the secret, hidden in plain sight, is that their model of totalitarian capitalism is an oxymoron.  The time-tested history of centralized economic planning has been disastrous everywhere it has been tried.  Idealized political and economic central planning, coupled with the coerced motivation of the working masses, is not a desirable formula for any society; it will never out-compete the situational ingenuity and self-interest-driven energy of free societies.

Totalitarian political systems, whether coupled with socialist economic systems in the classical communist model or artificially married to a pseudo-free enterprise economy, are intrinsically evil; they force their citizens to live in Godless societies with repressed personal ambition.  China has played the wolf in sheep's clothing long enough.  Together with Russia, what President Reagan described as the "evil empire" is very much alive.  Not so long ago, China dispatched an army tank to machine gun down a peaceful demonstrator in their capital city of Beijing's central square of Tiananmen.  Today, China has been using the bonanza of its Walmart market to anesthetize its angry masses, as well as to bully its neighbors.  Their society is a simmering volcano because their people, like humans everywhere, yearn to be free.

Their house of cards is coming down, and they will probably latch out to "wag the dog," but it's already clear that the emperor has no clothes. If they expect to have continued access to our bountiful market, it is high time for America to demand from China fair trade practices, environmentally responsible behavior, and an end to their territorial overreach.  





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Sunday, July 5, 2020

Nationalism vs Globalism


Nationalism vs Globalism

By: Carlos L. Arce

I understand that the basic premises of globalism call for a world economy and a world government, or cosmocracy.  It would be a wonderful level of human evolution to construct a single world government with effective authority over all nations.  There seem to be two routes to this height of human achievement: one is the voluntary agreement of all nations, and the other is the violent and compulsory world domination of a superpower; let’s call it Pax Supremus.

In modern history, we have had two attempts at world domination that came close to succeeding; Napoleon and Hitler led those efforts.  Yet, there has only been one real opportunity for absolute domination of the world, which happened during the years of  1945 through 1948, when the United States was the only nuclear power.  It chose instead to fight a cold war against communist aggression and to present democratic capitalism, based on basic human rights, as the best alternative in the international competition for government models.  This concept of government can be expressed in one word, freedom.

If, or let us say when, all major nations adopt democratic institutions and let their peoples control their governments, then transactional world government will be possible, in fact, inevitable.  The collapse of the Soviet Union opened a window for this dream, only to quickly have it slammed shut by the rise of communist China.  Ergo, back to the Cold War.  This time, it is thousands of hydrogen and neutron bombs and at least nine countries armed with nuclear weapons.  If humanity manages to avoid annihilation a second time, this, the second coming of communism, will also collapse.  World government will be inexorable, as the issues of climate, pollution, overpopulation, mass extinction, and dwindling resources… make it so.  Let us all pray to God that humanity can transcend this period of technological adolescence without destroying itself.







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